England, Britain, "The Yookay" and how to distinguish them
Michael Reiners discusses England, Britain, The UK, and how to distinguish them. He charts the legislative changes which led us to stop describing the entire British isles as "England", then "Britain", and far more recently, led us to adopt the initialism of "The UK". A lesson in Yookayification.
England is a country named after its people â the English. More precisely, âEngla landâ is Old English for âland of the Angles,â the North-West Germanic tribe who settled here in the post-Roman period and remained for a millennium. England, then, is still named â by and large â after those who inhabit it. Roughly 25â40 per cent of the modern Englishmanâs ancestry is Anglo-Saxon, especially in the East. The second-largest component is Celtic. Tom Rowsell discusses the relative stability of what an Englishman is, in his essay, here. But on present trends, England may soon be a country no longer named after its inhabitants for much longer.
As of the 2021 Census, just 36.8 per cent of Londoners identify as White British, a striking drop over the past thirty years. Itâs within this same window that the strange legalese of âThe UKâ (spoken, tediously, as âThe Yoo-kayâ) has surged. Some have even started calling this shift "Yookayification", as discussed here in cultural terms, and here in demographic terms. But when did this term begin its top-down shift in self-identification? Who asked for this? And crucially â should we call this entire landmass England?
I prefer âEnglandâ whenever I can, though others look further afield and opt for âBritainâ or âGreat Britain.â Our Olympic team is Team GB. We have GB News and Good Morning Britain. Our car plates once bore âGBâ as our international identifier â until September 28, 2021, when this was unceremoniously switchedto âUK.â We live now in the slippery age of dropdown menus that insist âThe UKâ is correct. You must scroll past the United Arab Emirates and the United States to find it. British passports have nothing to say about Englishness. Nor about Scottishness, Welshness, or Northern Irishness. We live in the wasteland of âUKâ dial codes and EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreements (2021), but, we can trace the path of good intentions which brought us here in the annals of domestic legislation.
The Legislation
The Treaty of Union (1706) united the Kingdoms of England and Scotland â and Englandâs vassal (since the 1530s) Wales â under one crown and one Parliament (the English one). The Act called the new entity âthe Kingdom of Great Britain,â with its âParliament of Great Britain.â The island was Great Britain, and so was the state. The Act of Union (1707) made this treaty law. The phrase âunited kingdomâ appears 26 times, notably, never with a capital U. It was a united kingdom in a taxonomic sense, not a formal one. It is not disputed that between 1707 and 1800, our state was called âGreat Britainâ or the âKingdom of Great Britain.â
The Act of Union (1800) brought Ireland into the fold, forming the âunited kingdom of Great Britain and Irelandâ â again, with a lowercase âu.â This phrase appears only four times in the Act. âThe United Kingdomâ was not the preferred usage.
Written Usage
In 19th-century documents, âGreat Britainâ dominates. âUnited Kingdomâ appears rarely from the Georgian through Victorian eras. Google Booksâ Ngram viewer backs this: âGreat Britainâ was more commonly printed than âUnited Kingdomâ from 1700 until the post-WWII years, after which âUnited Kingdomâ began its rise.
No major newspaper front page mentioned âThe UKâ or even âUnited Kingdomâ at the outbreak of WWI. The governmentâs press release said: âa state of war exists between Great Britain and Germany.â Headlines blared âEngland and Germany at War.â
England as Catch-All
In 1965, historian A.J.P. Taylor observed that when the Oxford History of England began, âEnglandâ was still a catch-all. He wrote: âIt meant indiscriminately England and Wales; Great Britain; the United Kingdom; and even the British Empire. Foreigners used it as the name of a Great Power and indeed continue to do so.â
âEnglandâ was often shorthand for our entire nation â even after the Acts of Union. Perhaps this explains why Iâm instinctively drawn to it. According to Ngram data, âEnglandâ still enjoys broader use than âGreat Britainâ or âUnited Kingdom,â likely because it contains the vast majority of the population â 57 million of 68 million â and has the largest global diaspora.
A helpful gauge of national identity is symbolism. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the satirical character John Bull personified the common Englishman. He debuted in 1712 and remained iconic through WWI â even appearing on recruitment posters (by then wearing a union flag waistcoat).
To see âThe United Kingdomâ as a usurpation of âEnglandâ may not be far off
Yet the usage of âEnglandâ has steadily declined. Churchill noted this on St. Georgeâs Day, 1933: âThere is a forgotten, nay almost forbidden word⊠that word is England.â The Ngram data confirms this decline from the late 19th century onwards. Today, even institutions like Cambridge University Press or the Church of England hesitate to say âEngland,â preferring the dropdown-menu legalese of âUK.â Even St. Georgeâs Day has faded, displaced by UNESCOâs âWorld Book Day,â a 1995 invention. The Honourable Society of Middle Temple â my Inn of Court â has picked a side in this conflict, despite bearing St. Georgeâs Cross in its arms.
The âUnited Kingdomâ
To see âThe United Kingdomâ as a usurpation of âEnglandâ may not be far off. The term first gains dignity in an Irish nationalist context. âUnited Kingdomâ appears sparingly in 19th century legislation, and always when distinguishing these isles from imperial affairs abroad, appearing in 48 pieces of Primary and Secondary legislation. That said, it is not until the Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921) â which established the Irish Free State âthat the âUnited Kingdomâ as a proper noun begins to cement. It appears only once (compared to six mentions of âGreat Britainâ) â but crucially, it is used to distinguish the creditor (the United Kingdom) from the debtor (the Free State), a debt which played no small part in Irelandâs full departure in 1949.
The Royal and Parliamentary Titles Act (1927) made the name official: the âUnited Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.â Section 2(2) states: âin every public document⊠the expression âUnited Kingdomâ shall⊠mean Great Britain and Northern Ireland.â This wasnât a name forged in pride â but one crafted in the shadow of loss. The âUnited Kingdomâ is a state named in spite of what it no longer contains â Ireland. The title is an overcorrection. What we might now call cope.
While royal assent made âUnited Kingdomâ law, the initialism âUKâ only gained traction in the 1960s and 70s â peaking with Tony Blairâs election in 1997. Its rise tracks with the internationalist commercial era of the 1980s and the onset of devolution. This was a time of systematic diminishment of England, despite it comprising the majority of the Unionâs people. âThe UK,â in all its abbreviated vagueness, is the post-Blair state â possibly intended to signal the permanence of his constitutional reforms. In 2018, even our Parliament was rebranded â not by Act of Parliament, but by a London design agency named SomeOne. The âHouses of Parliamentâ became âUK Parliament.â
Britain & British Citizenship
The term âBritish Islesâ dates back to Pytheas of Massalia (4th century BC), who called it PrettanikÄ. By the time the Romans arrived in 43 AD, they named the province âBritannia.â The name stuck. The term âBritainâ and its imperial overtones dominated print culture during the imperial age. Lord Macaulay, writing in the 1840s, declared: âShe [Britain] has seated herself on the throne of the world, a new Rome⊠from her farthest provinces, the sun never sets.â
Despite being citizens of the âUnited Kingdom,â we are not called such. Instead, we are British citizens â a product of post-war empire collapse. The British Nationality Act (1948), drafted with astonishing naĂŻvetĂ© by the Attlee government, gave settlement rights in Britain to all Commonwealth citizens. The result: six-figure annual migration â tame by todayâs migration crisisâ standards, but unprecedented at the time.
Subsequent legislation succeeded in managing the influx, but the question of citizenship remained unresolved until the 1981 Act, which abolished birthright citizenship. Its message: if youâre here now, youâre British. The 1980s also birthed the Public Order Act (1986), criminalising any speech on race which is not wholly positive â still the case today, to disastrous effect, as I discussed here. Together, these laws tried to cauterise Britainâs racial tensions by mystifying âBritishnessâ and banning all dissent.
Conclusion
âThe UKâ fits our post-imperial state: a stitched-together patchwork of freshly devolved legislatures, shorn of their further collective reach. It is a name that acknowledges the past only through what has been lost. âUnited Kingdomâ was made official in the wake of Irelandâs departure in 1927. Before that, it was merely a descriptor. The initialism of âThe UKâ, to my mind, is the name of a state so aesthetically, culturally and demographically altered by the effects of mass immigration that it has become a distinct political and cultural entity to Historical Britain. The age of scouring dropdown menus and âUKâ international dial-codes. That is why, personally, I love England.